THE Election Commission of Pakistan held another hearing on the political parties’ foreign funding case on Thursday, and gave yet another date for yet another hearing. This time the hearing pertained to the PML-N and PPP, but the longest running case is that of the ruling PTI that has continued for nearly six years without any conclusion in sight. The scrutiny committee appointed by the ECP to probe allegations of undisclosed foreign funding of the PTI has also been dragging its feet. It had submitted a report to the ECP which was found unsatisfactory. The committee was given six weeks to submit a more solid report. This time frame expires in another two weeks.
The laws about foreign funding for parties are fairly clear. All funding must be transparent, above board and accounted for. All parties, not just the bigger ones, must provide complete documentation of their funding to ensure that dubious and illegal money is not being invested into these parties, thereby injecting corruption into an already weak democratic edifice. In this respect, the PTI as the ruling party has a major responsibility to set an example by providing all details required by the ECP and answer all allegations made against it. The case against the PML-N and PPP also merits equal attention though the timing does raise eyebrows when it coincides conveniently with NAB’s flawed accountability process that focuses overwhelmingly on the opposition. These parties have much to answer for given the heavy amounts of money they spend on electoral activities. Mature democracies have stringent campaign funding laws aimed at ensuring that all funds spent by political parties are legal and within a limit that cannot be construed as buying overwhelming influence over the party.
It is in this context that the ECP should use its powers to make political parties accountable for all sources of funding, with special focus on money coming from foreign sources. However, the ECP’s track record so far leaves much to be desired. These important cases have been allowed to drag on endlessly giving rise to a perception that the ECP is taking a lenient view towards the issue. This must change. Six years is more than enough for the PTI case to reach a final conclusion. The last chief election commissioner had ordered daily hearings of this case; it began facing habitual delays once he left office. The ECP must now move swiftly to conclude all these cases and make decisions that force these and other political parties to open up their ledger books and account for every rupee received. If we want to strengthen democracy and reform the structure of our political parties, this is a key step in that direction. The ECP must do its job without delay.
Emergency helpline
THE gang rape of a woman on the Lahore motorway has exposed many a weakness in administration and policing. What is most unfortunate is that, after her car broke down, the victim rang several helplines to get assistance for her vehicle, but because of a lack of coordination and a lethargic response, help came too late. The episode begs the following question: what is a citizen to do in an emergency situation, such as during a robbery or a medical crisis at home? That the episode has compelled the government to formulate a national emergency helpline is welcome news — and a step that requires careful thought and spadework. It is a shame that citizens do not have an easy way of reaching emergency services in moments of crisis, and that they need to know the ins and outs of a labyrinthine system of public services with different jurisdictions and mandates to navigate an already fraught situation.
There are several successful models around the world that can be studied and adapted to create a singular national helpline in Pakistan. Several aspects must be considered and different requirements identified; a coherent plan would need to be drawn up for each of those requirements to be met; cost, expenditure and income streams must be considered, as well as staffing, technical resources and contingency plans. One example of a successful coordination effort is the National Command and Operation Centre that is dealing with the coronavirus pandemic in the country. However, given the perennially difficult relationship between the provincial and federal governments, will this project become a reality? The success of such an endeavour is contingent upon the cooperation of different entities and public bodies. With services unevenly distributed across the country, the challenges are indeed daunting. Sindh still does not have a Rescue 1122 service, and service distribution between urban-rural areas is also patchy. An effort of this magnitude must first begin with provinces consolidating their resources internally. The ultimate goal should be to provide citizens with the best and fastest support available in their area, and doing so in a coordinated way can also help identify which areas need further development. The provincial and federal authorities should rise to the challenge and approach this by putting aside their differences. This is a serious national priority. Citizens in distress should not be forced to run from pillar to post to request help.
Space for student politics
ONCE again, this time in a meeting of the subcommittee of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Federal Education held on Wednesday, the question of restoring student unions has been raised. Federal Education Minister Shafqat Mahmood reiterated the stance expressed by Prime Minister Imran Khan last December in support of reviving these representative bodies, following student solidarity marches organised in cities across the country, with the caveat that care must be taken to draft a “comprehensive and enforceable code of conduct” under which they should operate. The pace at which the issue has so far been deliberated on, however, has not indicated much enthusiasm judging by the mixed responses of the MNAs as well as earlier statements by other policymakers — such as the HEC, which in January expressed its opposition to such a move. Nonetheless, it appears that a consensus may finally be forming.
Now, the subcommittee members have decided to hold meetings with university vice chancellors to glean their input. This indeed appears to be the next logical step if one is to get a clearer picture of the need for and expedience of campus politics. No less valuable, however, is the insight of those student organisers who have been advocating on lifting the ban on student unions. The reality is that practically every political party has a student or youth wing active on campus. But a common misconception is to equate these with genuine elected representative bodies — which can help the youth channel their civic and political impulses responsibly and productively — the absence of which has created a vacuum that has given rise to illegitimate activities, including violence. Given how the pandemic has upended so much of the education sector, it is even more urgent that students are able to effectively raise their voices and express demands through democratic forums. An inclusive framework for student unions, based on meaningful consultations with all stakeholders (including students), must be devised soon to allow room for healthy debate on issues important to our youth.
