ON the direction of the Peshawar High Court, the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority has once again banned TikTok in Pakistan with immediate effect. This ban follows an earlier one, unilaterally imposed by PTA on the Chinese app last October. Access was eventually restored some days later, after representatives of the social network assured the telecom regulator that they would cooperate with the Pakistan government in accommodating its requests for stricter moderation and content removal. In response to this latest move, TikTok released a statement in which it claimed it was “aggressively and proactively” complying with this pledge, including by growing its local-language moderation team by almost 250pc since September, but that it was also committed to ensuring its users’ “rights to express themselves creatively on the platform”.
Meanwhile, Minister Fawad Chaudhry has termed the ban one that citizens “will pay a huge price” for, and has offered to conduct “tech modules” for judges through his Ministry for Science and Technology, echoing statements he made last month in which he lamented that Pakistan’s industry and its relations with tech companies had been hampered by ill-conceived state policies and court decisions. This is a succinct summary of the problem with imposing wholesale bans on online services in the digital age, but the fact that TikTok bears the brunt of such capricious and arbitrary moral policing is particularly curious, given that similarly ‘immoral’ and ‘indecent’ content exists on all social media platforms. The only explanation for this outsized focus on TikTok, perhaps, is the fact that it is considered ‘the people’s platform’, with unparalleled popularity among Pakistan’s working class — many of whom have successfully leveraged their online profiles to earn incomes for themselves and reach audiences ranging in the millions. With the government struggling to create jobs amid stagnant growth, this country’s decision-makers should be more concerned with facilitating those who are using talent and innovation to generate revenue and opportunities, instead of taking it upon themselves to turn the country into a nanny state.
Senate chair poll
YESTERDAY’S election for the Senate chairman has yielded a result, but the saga is far from over. PTI-backed nominee Sadiq Sanjrani with 48 votes was declared the winner over the opposition’s Yousuf Raza Gilani who bagged 42 votes. However, eight votes were rejected of which seven were in favour of Mr Gilani — a revelation that has caused an uproar within the opposition, which is considering challenging the decision in the Supreme Court although the presiding officer maintains the votes were cast incorrectly. Ahead of the vote, the figures for party strength suggested that 47 members would vote for Mr Sanjrani and 51 for Mr Gilani. But during the poll, Mr Sanjrani secured an additional vote, an indication that one opposition senator voted against party policy and in favour of the PTI. Interestingly, the deputy chairman slot was also secured by the PTI candidate, with 10 votes more than the opposition candidate — a result that shows some opposition members voted in favour of the ruling party. This is hardly surprising as Senate elections are routinely marred by allegations of vote buying, horse-trading and political engineering. But certain moments during yesterday’s election set a new record in the proverbial book of dirty tricks. The discovery by opposition lawmakers of hidden cameras in the polling booth is an astounding and blatant violation of the sanctity of the upper house and the election process. An election, which according to the rules should be conducted by a secret ballot, was tampered with by unknown individuals who hoped to spy on lawmakers casting their votes. Who planted these devices and what exactly they were hoping to find out, is anyone’s guess. Moreover, allegations from opposition politicians that their members were being threatened by the establishment to switch sides hint at yet another nefarious plot.
As the government celebrates its Senate victory, the truth is that democracy has lost — much like it did in the Senate seat elections earlier in the month when the ruling party alleged vote buying. Pakistan’s Senate elections have often been held under a cloud of suspicion, as buyouts and underhanded tactics are employed to make lawmakers switch sides. Though politicians have normalised the unsavoury practice of buying loyalty, the role of undemocratic forces in allegedly threatening and spying on lawmakers is even more sinister. Such tactics are an affront to parliament, and unfortunately, will not end till political parties put their differences aside and collectively reject interference. Sadly, there are no signs that this realisation will dawn on our politicians anytime soon.
Anyone who thought the Senate polls would be a fair exercise has been proven wrong. If anything, it shows that the battle for power by any means will go on, and that politicians will continue to either be manipulated or participate of their own accord in undemocratic practices.
Improved auto sales
PAKISTAN’S automotive industry has posted a robust growth in the Covid period. The new data from PAMA, the automotive manufacturers’ association, for the first eight months of the present fiscal, ie from July to end February, shows that the sale of passenger cars, jeeps, vans, pickup trucks, etc recorded a 24.3pc year-on-year jump to more than 113,905 units. The number doesn’t show the sales of one of the more aggressive new players, Lucky Motors. The two- and three-wheeler segment also expanded by 17.3pc year-on-year to 1.27m units. The sales of tractors more than doubled. But the manufacturers of buses and trucks saw their sales plummet. The automotive industry’s growth reflects an overall uptick in domestic economic activities after Covid-19 lockdown restrictions were lifted. The hefty reduction in interest rates that pushed auto financing has also played a major role in the turnaround in car sales. Car leasing jumped by Rs51bn in the seven months from July to end January. The automotive industry had been facing strong headwinds on tough economic conditions spawned by IMF-mandated economic stabilisation policies even before the country was hit by the coronavirus. Industry was shrinking on plunging sales as the government took unsuccessful actions to document the economy. However, the new impetus to the sale of cars and other automobiles in recent months has engendered hopes of an early revival. Total industry sales, barring trucks, buses and two- and three-wheelers, are projected to spike to half a million units over the next five to six years if the current growth momentum continues.
With several Chinese carmakers presenting their brands and investing in local assembly in Pakistan to take advantage of the tax concessions given in the 2016-2021 auto sector policy, the automobile industry is undergoing significant change as customers get more choices and old players come up with new and better models. The interest shown by Chinese automobile companies in introducing their electric cars at discounted prices and the expectation that Japanese carmakers will bring in hybrid vehicles could usher in more changes in the auto landscape and intensify competition. With the existing auto policy having attracted new Korean and Chinese automobile brands, the next policy for 2021-26 must focus on incentives for auto exports and the introduction of smaller, affordable, entry-level cars for middle-class consumers, especially working women. Additionally, the government also needs to ensure that carmakers pay special attention to complying with automotive safety to protect passengers.
