PPP on its own?
YOUSUF Raza Gilani’s selection as opposition leader in the Senate has deepened the chasm among the PDM parties, with some in the opposition using the word ‘betrayal’ to describe the development. The PML-N is furious and has accused PPP of getting covert support from the treasury benches — an allegation which, though the PPP rejects, merits closer inspection.
Mr Gilani secured the seat by getting the endorsement of 30 ‘opposition’ senators, including six independent legislators. Though these independent senators are not formally affiliated with a particular party, it is no secret that several of them are allied with the BAP and even sit on the treasury benches. Why, then, did BAP senators decide to support Mr Gilani?
The origins of BAP and its earlier role in Senate elections are shady as the party is seen as a creation of the establishment in the 2018 polls to deliver what is famously known as the ‘Sanjrani model’. Interestingly, these independent senators, who endorsed Mr Gilani for opposition leader not too long ago, voted against him and in favour of Mr Sanjrani to re-elect him as chairman. In fact, it has emerged that one BAP senator, Samina Mumtaz, wrote a letter in support of Mr Gilani as opposition leader, only to revoke it later when she was told that the ruling party’s ally could not endorse an opposition candidate.
These shenanigans point to more of the wheeling and dealing that yields a loyalty shift that has become a normalised occurrence in the Senate. The development also underscores the growing and perhaps irreconcilable mistrust among the PDM parties. Prior to the Senate election saga, the opposition parties had agreed among themselves that the nominees for Senate chairman, deputy chairman and leader of the opposition would be members of the PPP, JUI-F and PML-N respectively. It is when Mr Gilani lost the Senate chairman election that the PPP set its sights on the opposition leader slot.
Statements from both the PML-N and PPP in the aftermath of Mr Gilani’s notification betray a gap in communication but unfortunately, the situation is far beyond a simple misunderstanding. The reality is that the opposition parties are divided. The PPP’s go-it-alone strategy has come as a major blow to the unity of the opposition. What exactly is the benefit of this strategy to the party is the subject of conjecture; the only certainty is that it has given a boost to the government.
SAPM’s sacking
IN an unexpected development, Prime Minister Imran Khan sacked SAPM Petroleum Nadeem Babar as he ordered an investigation into last summer’s oil shortage in the country. The petroleum secretary, too, has been suspended and the FIA ordered to complete a forensic inquiry into the role of all players, including oil marketing companies, in 90 days. The shortages had forced consumers to queue up for hours at a stretch at petrol pumps for about a month as OMCs reduced imports to avoid inventory losses and cashed in on the misery of the public allegedly with the Petroleum Division’s connivance. The OMCs also profited by not passing on the benefits of the massive reduction in global oil markets to the consumers.
The sacking of one of the most important members of the cabinet months after an earlier probe into the fiasco was completed and its findings leaked to the media has surprised many. For months, the prime minister and his team kept defending Mr Babar even when the media tried to highlight his alleged role in the petroleum crisis as well as in the delayed procurement of LNG. These crises are believed to have caused the country losses of billions of rupees, leaving citizens and industry to cope with crippling gas shortages in winter. The media was blamed for sensationalising the issue, despite the LHC observation in July that the SAPM was prima facie responsible for the petrol shortages as he was running the affairs of the Petroleum Division.
It is not for the first time that the government has dragged its feet on decision-making in cases where its own people may be involved. For example, nothing much has been done to bring those responsible for the severe sugar and wheat crisis in the country to justice in spite of incriminating evidence against the market players. Given the government’s stance that there is no evidence to suggest their involvement in the crisis, Mr Babar’s removal and the secretary’s suspension, even before the forensic probe is undertaken, appears unusual. Although the government says his sacking is not an admission of guilt, it can be perceived as otherwise. The initial probe also laid bare the weaknesses of the oil supply chain and exposed the role of the ministry, Ogra, the OMCs and petrol pump owners. The OMCs deliberately stopped supplies from their stocks and Ogra went slow on penalising the delinquent companies, some of which are also allegedly involved in the smuggling of inferior Iranian petroleum products. The SAPM’s sacking has engendered hopes that the government is finally ready to take punitive action against what it often describes as mafias that have plundered the people and the exchequer to enrich themselves. But these events also underline the need for urgent market reforms in different sectors of the economy to prevent a repetition of similar crises.