THE Rawalpindi Ring Road scandal is ballooning with each passing day. On Monday, it got its first scalp in the form of the resignation of SAPM Zulfi Bukhari. As Prime Minister Imran Khan’s trusted aide and confidant, Mr Bukhari’s departure signifies the gravity of the issue and the realisation within the top echelons of the PTI government that the scandal can burn through its credibility.
The Ring Road project was conceived during the tenure of the previous government but the plans for the road were revised under the PTI government. Allegations recently arose that the revisions were done to benefit private entities and individuals. The names of some cabinet ministers were also mentioned as possible beneficiaries. One of those named, Aviation Minister Ghulam Sarwar Khan, held a presser on Monday to claim he was being wrongly accused. Two separate reports were written by a three-member committee formed by the government and both reports apparently contradict each other. NAB has also ordered an inquiry into the matter while Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry has claimed that the resignation of Mr Bukhari is evidence that Mr Khan will not spare even his close aides if they are accused of any wrongdoing.
There is much that remains shrouded in mystery about this mega project. If there were indeed doubts over the transparency of the redesign, why did Punjab Chief Minister Usman Buzdar approve the summary? It is also unclear why a meeting chaired by the prime minister himself approved funds for the project. These and other aspects of the scandal will need to be probed regardless of how high the blame might go. The prime minister has done well to relieve Mr Bukhari of his official duties pending the investigation.
However, he needs to take the same approach towards other people whose actions remain suspect, including the chief minister of Punjab. While NAB will conduct its own investigations, Prime Minister Khan should leave no stone unturned to unearth the facts behind the scandal. As he himself has always advocated across-the-board accountability for people in power, he should spare no one, including those who made him approve the funding for a project that was surrounded by allegations of wrongdoing and corrupt practices. The Ring Road scandal is refusing to pass the smell test and the odour is reaching up to high places. The PTI government must now lay itself open for ruthless accountability.
Investing in agriculture
THE PTI government has an ambitious plan to develop agriculture over the next three years. It intends to invest Rs110bn — with equal contributions from the federal and provincial governments —and boost agriculture credit by 80pc to Rs2.7tr for almost doubling the grain harvest, increasing fruit and vegetable production five times, and trebling milk output. The government also suggests importing semen for free distribution among farmers to boost livestock productivity, supplying subsidised fertilisers, increasing the number of crops grown and encouraging fruit and vegetable production. The authors of the strategy expect the interventions will help alleviate rural poverty and enhance household incomes. The government is also hopeful that the interventions under this project will bring about a fundamental change in the agriculture sector by persuading farmers to venture into the commercial domain by growing more value-added crops and enhancing milk yields not only for the local market but also for exports.
Indeed, agriculture remains the lifeline of Pakistan’s economy. It is the source of livelihood for over 60pc of the population and employs nearly 40pc of the national labour force. Besides, the nation’s food security and the bulk of its manufactured exports are dependent on the performance of agriculture. The poor cotton and wheat harvests last year, for instance, show how a decline in this sector can intensify food insecurity, feed into domestic price inflation, increase the import bill and affect exports revenues. Sadly, previous governments are responsible for the criminal neglect of agriculture. It is, therefore, heartening to see the current administration focusing on agriculture and diverting resources to uplift it.
But will the government succeed in achieving its targets and make agriculture competitive through these interventions? Not really. To begin with, the suggested plan focuses mostly on subsidies without any mention of the required changes in an official policy that discourages growers from shifting from low- to high-value crops. The details released show that the government is still not addressing the root causes of the decline in agriculture, including but not limited to the lack of research in development of high-yield seeds, fighting disease and shifting weather patterns as well as slow adoption of modern technology, obsolete farm practices and decreasing soil fertility because of excessive chemical use. Neither does the plan spell out measures for supporting smallholder, subsistence farmers who are forced to take out a mortgage to purchase inputs like seed and fertilisers. Past experience shows that subsidies rarely help. Instead, the government should allocate maximum resources to promote agriculture research, set up initiatives to speed up adoption of modern farm technology and practices to increase productivity and reduce costs, encourage private investment in the supply chain to minimise wastages, increase growers’ access to cheaper formal credit, and link them directly to the markets to put more money in their pockets.
Tribal feuds
DESPITE the PPP’s tall claims of running Sindh efficiently, the grim spectre of tribal feuds continues to haunt the province’s upper districts. In one particularly bloody incident, nine people lost their lives in a tribal clash involving the Chachar and Sabzoi communities in Kashmore district last week. Police officials claim the feud erupted over stolen livestock. This is not the first incident of its kind as upper Sindh frequently sees such violence, as well as kidnappings, particularly in the districts bordering Balochistan. A police report published in this paper last year says over 100 people have lost their lives in tribal feuds in upper Sindh over the past few years. The violence has been triggered by disputes over access to water and land, so-called honour and matrimonial issues, while trivial matters such as cattle theft and scuffles between children have also led to bloody exchanges. Illegal jirgas are also common in the area with tribal sardars and other influentials settling disputes that should be decided in courts of law. Some parts of upper Sindh are practically no-go areas for citizens, with unfortunate consequences awaiting those who venture into the ‘wrong’ zone.
Much of this violence is fuelled by heavy weaponry, some of it military grade. The key question is how such weapons end up in the hands of the feuding tribesmen and criminal elements, without the federal and provincial administrations noticing. While the justice system needs to deliver so people do not have to refer to jirgas to settle their disputes, the flow of weapons into the katcha and other no-go areas needs to stop in order to stem the bloodshed. Moreover, the PPP, whose lawmakers represent the districts concerned, needs to make more of an effort to encourage peaceful resolution of disputes, while lawmakers and government officials can in no way be allowed to patronise illegalities. The people of upper Sindh need the rule of law above all else, not the law of the jungle.
