India’s abstention
ISRAEL’S recent brutal foray into Gaza and its targeting of Palestinians elsewhere in the occupied territories has elicited strong reactions from across the world.
While many of Tel Aviv’s protectors and friends parroted the line that Israel has a right of ‘self-defence’ — even as the Jewish state mercilessly murdered children in Gaza — thousands of conscientious people of all faiths and nationalities took to the streets in cities across the world to condemn this butchery. However, some states that had formerly supported the Palestinian cause were conspicuous by their silence, apparently to please Israel. India is among this group; in a recent vote at the UN Human Rights Council calling for a probe into Israel’s recent atrocities, India chose to abstain. This led the Palestinian foreign minister to observe in a letter to New Delhi that the abstention “stifles the important work of the Human Rights Council at advancing human rights for all people”.
India’s about-turn where the Palestinian cause is concerned is not new and has been decades in the making. Initially, spurred by a sense of Third World solidarity, India offered support to the Palestinians, with Yasser Arafat calling Indira Gandhi his ‘sister’. However today, under the Hindutva banner India is a firm ally of Israel, with Benjamin Netanyahu boasting of the “deep friendship” between New Delhi and Tel Aviv.
Perhaps this is a natural pairing, as right-wing governments in both states have applied similar brutal methods in occupied Palestine and held Kashmir. Of course, the irony that Hindutva’s founding fathers lionised the Nazis is lost on many. Today, India-Israel relations are clearly a marriage of convenience, with both states sharing notes on how to brutalise the Palestinians and Kashmiris. However, regardless of such dicey friendships, people of conscience across the world will continue to raise a voice for the Palestinians, while the plight of the Kashmiris will also not be forgotten. State-sponsored brutality cannot snuff out the desire of the people of Palestine and Kashmir for freedom and dignity.
Environment in danger
THERE is no doubt that Prime Minister Imran Khan has elevated the debate on climate change and accorded it the status of a national issue by continuing to talk about it on regional and international forums. Several initiatives taken by the government such as the 10-Billion Tree Tsunami and the Ecosystem Restoration Fund have gained international recognition. Today, on June 5, Pakistan is the global host for World Environment Day and is launching the UN’s Decade on Ecosystem Restoration. Other initiatives of the government include the launch of the Green Eurobond worth $500m. In April, the government also pledged to transition to 60pc clean energy and convert 30pc of its vehicular fleet to electric by 2030. Soon after the announcement, it shelved imported coal projects intended to produce 2,600MW of energy in favour of hydroelectric projects that will generate 3,700MW. However, for these measures to have an impact, the government must have an integrated policy, infrastructure development, power production and agriculture framework that shuns a carbon-intensive approach.
At the moment, the bigger picture tells a story that is at variance with the government’s stated intentions. Between 1994 and 2015, Pakistan’s carbon emissions had increased by 123pc. Around 46pc of the country’s total greenhouse gas emissions come from fossil fuels, followed by 43pc from agriculture. Ironically, more than 95pc of our coal-based power projects were commissioned in the past four years and are at different stages of development. Meanwhile, last year a long-term plan opted for fossil fuels for energy production, ignoring the possibility of renewable energy. No surprise then that by 2030 our carbon emissions are projected to increase by 300pc. Similarly, large projects including the Peshawar BRT — for which hundreds of trees were felled — and the Rs5tr Ravi City construction only add to the carbon footprint.
These gaping contradictions in development policy offset any potential impact of the government’s eco-friendly plans by years and undermine our international credibility. Similarly, the failure to impose a ban on the use of single-use plastics last year, exposed the government’s weakness for favouring industrialist lobbies. Globally, the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events have increased, resulting in huge loss of life and property. Scientists have termed this decade the last chance to slow down a permanent rise in global temperatures. If Pakistan is to save itself from the apocalyptic effects of climate change, the government must show far greater seriousness in its purpose and execution of its plans. In the short term, up to 20pc of the projected 2030 GHG emissions can be reduced by decarbonising transport and agriculture. Provincial environmental protection departments also need to be overhauled and made fully functional and independent so that they can flag projects violating environment rules. If Pakistan does not act on a war-footing, it might squander its last chance to save itself from nature’s wrath.
Misused law
THE acquittal of Shafqat Emmanuel and Shagufta by the Lahore High Court this week has once again underscored the deeply problematic and growing misuse of the blasphemy law. After spending seven years in jail, following the handing down of a death sentence to them by an additional district and sessions judge, the Christian couple has been acquitted of charges of sending a blasphemous text message to the complainant, a shopkeeper identified in some news reports as a mosque cleric.
Like many others before them, the couple spent nearly a decade locked away from their families, deprived of their freedom. At the time of her arrest, Shagufta worked as a helper at a school and earned a paltry Rs3,500 a month. Her husband, Shafqat, who is reportedly handicapped, owned a mobile repair shop. The couple from Gojra in Toba Tek Singh come from a very humble background, and one can only imagine how their four children must have fared during their prolonged incarceration.
Sadly, this story is not unique; others too have been falsely accused, languishing for years in jail, only to be acquitted by the higher courts. Asiya Bibi spent almost a decade in solitary confinement before the Supreme Court overturned her death sentence. At the moment, there are several individuals convicted of blasphemy by the lower courts, and awaiting justice from the higher courts.
The Supreme Court has often warned against false blasphemy accusations and even called on politicians to ensure that those jailed under these offences have not been wrongly accused. Yet, little progress has been made on this issue and citizens continue to spend too many years of their life awaiting justice.
Parliament must gather the courage to talk about these issues. Lawmakers must also confront how false accusations strip accused citizens of their freedoms with no redress. Moreover, in many chilling cases, an accusation of blasphemy alone — with no evidence or formal legal process — can result in violence and death. The cases of university student Mashal Khan and Christian couple Shama and Shahzad are just two examples of how such accusations lead ignorant people to take the law into their own hands. Salmaan Taseer, despite being a serving governor, too, was killed as a result of the same mentality, which prizes hate and violence over truth and justice. This trend must come to an end, and our lawmakers must unite to find a solution so that more innocent citizens do not suffer.