Banning festivity
EVERY year, as the winter chill gives way to the arrival of spring, a centuries-old tradition is suppressed by the state in the name of public safety. While Basant has been an established rite of spring in northern parts of the subcontinent, particularly Punjab, nearly two decades ago, the state banned kite-flying during the festival on public safety grounds. The reason given was that kite strings in many cases are coated with glass, and can be deadly, though it was suspected that the ban was enforced to please conservative elements in society. There indeed is a problem with glass-coated string, but this is something that can be addressed without cancelling Basant itself. On Friday, revellers in Rawalpindi defied the ban by flying kites, though the authorities were quick to pick up over 100 individuals selling kites and flying them. A number of people were also injured by stray bullets in the garrison city due to aerial firing to mark Basant. Unfortunately, on all occasions of joy — Eid, Independence Day, victories in cricket matches, New Year’s Eve, etc — this barbaric ‘custom’ claims lives and causes serious injuries.
There are ways for the authorities to make Basant safe for all, while addressing the negative aspects. For example, the manufacture of hazardous string should be curtailed, while the menace of aerial firing must be ended across the country on all joyous occasions. This can only be done if those who indulge in this irresponsible act are penalised. But overall, the state should lift the ban and let people celebrate Basant as per tradition. As it is, Pakistan is a joyless country due to a variety of reasons. Why take away the few joys people have left? Instead of cracking down on kite-flyers, the state should encourage the celebration of Basant as a marker of cultural identity, while taking reasonable precautions to ensure public safety.
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2024
Democracy’s decline
DEMOCRACY around the world is on the decline. The Economist Intelligence Unit report titled Age of Conflict has attributed this decline to a tumultuous year marked by wars, authoritarian crackdowns, and a decrease in trust in mainstream political entities. Pakistan has emerged as a prominent casualty in this backslide. Its descent by 11 points — the greatest dive by any country in the region — and reclassification as an ‘authoritarian regime’ is not only alarming but cause for shame and introspection. Pakistan scored just 3.25 out of 10, down from the previous 4.13. Sadly, the most it was able to attain was 4.64 points in 2013 and 2014. What is more regrettable is Pakistan’s ranking among the worst performing countries, where it stands third after Niger and Gabon. The EIU points out the establishment’s outsized political influence as a critical factor. “Holding free and fair elections is a prerequisite of democracy,” it notes, highlighting that polls in Pakistan are “far from being free, fair, or competitive”. Allegations of pre-poll rigging, results manipulation, and military interference have marred the Feb 8 polls, marking them as one of the most controversial in our history. The Commonwealth Observer Group, in an interim statement, highlights issues affecting inclusivity in the poll process, besides deadly attacks leading up to election day. Despite acknowledging efforts towards organising the elections, the group also points to a legal decision that deprived the PTI of its election symbol, incidents of intimidation, violence against candidates, and media censorship.
The Foreign Office’s dismissal of international criticism as “neither constructive nor objective” has not helped. Its insistence on viewing the electoral process as an “internal sovereign affair” sidesteps the concerns shared by international observers and Pakistanis alike. Despite the FO highlighting the participation of women and young voters, democracy demands more than turnout. It requires transparency, fairness, and the ability for power to change hands through the will of the people. It is now up to the incoming government to mount a robust resistance against non-democratic forces. The path forward demands significant reforms aimed at ensuring poll integrity, safeguarding civil liberties, and dismantling the influence of the establishment in political affairs. Only through earnest efforts to restore the pillars of democracy can Pakistan re-establish itself as a country committed to democratic governance.
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2024
PML-N challenge
ON Friday night, PML-N leader Khawaja Saad Rafique took to X to highlight the challenges facing politicians in forging a new government in Islamabad in the absence of a clear mandate for any single party.
“No party has [an] absolute majority in the National Assembly,” he reminded other stakeholders, largely the PPP. Therefore, he said, “the formation of government is the joint responsibility of all the parties in the parliament, [and] not just PML-N”. Alternatively, he suggested that PTI-backed independent members form a government with PPP support.
Although it is unclear whether Mr Rafique’s words reflect his own or his party’s position, the gist of his message posted after a party huddle reportedly chaired by Nawaz Sharif is that governing the country would be akin to wearing a crown of thorns amid chaotic political and economic conditions, and that his party had no desire to claim it.
He is not the only PML-N politician to hint at stepping back from the party’s initial stance of entering into a coalition with the PPP and others as spelled out by Mr Sharif in his post-election speech after it became clear that the N-League hadn’t won enough seats to make a government on its own.
Many are understood to have advised their leader against forming a minority government at the centre, especially after Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari announced support for a PML-N-led set-up in exchange for the top constitutional offices and a PPP government in Balochistan.
It may be a unique experience for Pakistan but parliamentary democracies everywhere have seen minority governments supported by other parties function quite well. In India, the Congress supported the minority Janata Dal government in the 1990s.
If the PPP is demanding too much, PML-N can negotiate a deal. Give-and-take is essential as the PPP also has much to lose if the system is derailed. Even a rowdy PTI would not want to rock the apple cart of democracy once it has made its point on rigging. Governing a politically and economically distraught nation would indeed be tough for the PML-N without sufficient numerical strength in parliament.
Divergent political interests might occasionally thwart or slow down legislative and economic reform. But should these hold back the three-time PM from accepting the challenge because of fear of the unknown, or losing the support of the PPP and others at some point? That hardly makes sense.
The people have given a split verdict. Now it is time for all political stakeholders to respect it. The biggest responsibility rests with the PML-N. Mr Sharif should not only put away his fears to form a minority government, he must also realise that the nation has deep wounds to heal. A politician of his stature can overcome hurdles. It is a challenge he should accept.
Published in Dawn, February 19th, 2024