OVER the last two months, Daska has come to denote more than a constituency election. A routine bypoll in February became the focus of national attention when it was marred by violence and then the mysterious disappearance of an entire group of presiding officers late in the foggy night. The sordid saga of Daska, that saw the ECP take unprecedented action against the Punjab administration, and witnessed the Supreme Court upholding the ECP decision for a re-poll in the entire constituency, finally concluded over the weekend with the PML-N candidate beating her PTI rival with a comprehensive margin.
With the eyes of the nation on the NA-75 Daska constituency, and the ECP and local administration leaving nothing to chance, the election happened smoothly and without any untoward incident. The losing candidate made some undignified remarks against the ECP in the aftermath of the result but by and large the PTI government accepted its defeat.
The original Daska election in February symbolised everything that is wrong with our electoral system. It witnessed the government of the day using state resources to influence the outcome, the local administration using strong-arm tactics to browbeat voters as well as the election staff, the ruling party refusing to admit any wrongdoing in the face of evidence of electoral and administrative skullduggery, and the government stooping to criticise the ECP instead of admitting its own failures. That election showed why we are unable, or perhaps unwilling, to reform the electoral process knowing full well that it requires urgent fixing.
However, the latest re-poll in Daska has shown that we can, in fact, get an election right if all stakeholders are agreed upon it. The PTI government has finally come around to demanding electoral reforms that require a consensus between all major parties. This is an urgent requirement in order to ensure that the next general elections are held in a free and transparent manner. Electoral malpractice generates instability and delegitimises the mandate of the winner, thereby triggering one crisis after another. This root cause must be addressed with all sincerity if we want stability in the system.
It is therefore important that the opposition take the government’s offer seriously, sit across the table in the relevant parliamentary committees, and begin the process of discussing and debating these reforms. With a little more than two years left before the next general elections, there is no time to lose. Empowering the ECP should be a foundational element of this reform package. We have seen in the Daska election what a difference the ECP can make when it is ready and willing to exercise its powers. Meanwhile, the PML-N has shown that it retains its popularity in central Punjab despite facing the rigours of being in the opposition. The PTI has work to do in Punjab.
Reinstating LGs
THE PTI government in Punjab is sending confused and conflicting signals to people when it comes to the critical issue of devolving power to the grassroots as promised by the ruling party in its election campaign. On the one hand, the prime minister is said to have finally approved a plan for developing south Punjab as a separate ‘administrative zone’ in the province with an all-powerful secretariat to tackle issues ranging from lack of resources to under-representation of the region in public-sector jobs. On the other hand, it is stalling the restoration of elected local governments in the province despite the Supreme Court order declaring their dissolution two years ago to be unconstitutional. The decision to establish an independent secretariat in south Punjab has come after the Buzdar government drew strong criticism from within and outside the PTI against its alleged attempt in March to roll back the few functions and powers it had reluctantly transferred to the newly created regional administrative set-up. However, the government does not appear to be under much pressure to reinstate the dissolved local governments, the apex court decision and repeated pledges to take the financial and administrative powers to the local level notwithstanding.
Local governments or the lowest tier of government are considered crucial for a functional democratic set-up. No country can tackle the complex governance and public-service delivery issues in the absence of a strong, functional local democracy. Pakistan is no exception. If we desire to improve the quality of financial and administrative governance in the country, we will first have to strengthen grassroots democracy by empowering people through their locally elected representatives. Indeed, the establishment of an independent administrative set-up in south Punjab will go a long way in the resolution of issues facing residents of the region and ultimately in the creation of a new province. But neither a secretariat nor a new province can ever replace the LG system if the intent is to address structural problems in public service delivery. The sad part of the story is that our politicians and bureaucracy do not want to share authority with local representatives. Hence, we have seen governments frequently rolling back even powerless local governments. If the present PTI administration is genuinely interested in improving governance through transfer of powers to the people, it should strengthen the constitutional cover given to local governments.
Remembering I.A. Rehman
THE quest for a progressive society in Pakistan, at peace with itself and its neighbours, suffered a big setback in the passing away of Ibn Abdur Rehman on Monday. Rehman Sahib, as he was known across much of South Asia, was a celebrated and dogged pursuer of peace in the subcontinent. He founded the Pakistan-India Forum for Peace and Democracy. Implicit in the nomenclature was the suggestion dear to Rehman Sahib: one could not go without the other. “A legend, a crusader for justice, peace and democracy, a lover of literature, poetry and music”, is how the PIFPD remembered him in a statement. At home, he will be equally warmly remembered as a defender of myriad human rights, most urgent among his priorities being the fight for equality and justice for Pakistan’s women and minorities.
Rehman Sahib was the recipient of several major awards, including the Magsaysay, for his pioneering work in human rights, which in his view began facing a stepped-up assault in Pakistan in the Zia era. The legacy of that military rule with its mediaeval trappings has proved difficult to dislodge. He believed the making of an illiberal society in Pakistan accelerated sharply during that particularly dark chapter of history. Rehman Sahib was forthright in advocating democracy and human rights in neighbouring countries where he was celebrated as a friend and a hero of valiant causes. A formidable journalist with experience that was honed in the era of Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Mazhar Ali Khan, he will be greatly remembered for his sharp observations, including in his weekly column for this paper, on practically every issue that touched the lives of ordinary people . He used the option of clear prose for most issues, but displayed a knack for occasional sardonic humour too. India and Pakistan were nearly similar in a parity of 19-21 he would say, departing from an Urdu metaphor that stresses a tinier difference as 19-20. “If we say that you might take offence,” he would laugh with his Indian friends.
