DESPITE a brutal crackdown by the Myanmar military, civilian resistance to the Feb 1 coup has refused to abate, with regular demonstrations against the junta in the country.
This is despite the fact that the protesters have paid with their lives; over 120 have been killed in the demonstrations, as per one count, with the police and military at times firing live rounds into crowds. While generating such momentum can take time, in Myanmar the people came to the defence of the democratic system from the day the generals toppled the elected order.
This is not the first time the generals have struck in Myanmar, while it is also true that mass pro-democracy movements had taken shape in the late 1980s and 2007 as well. The resolve of the country’s people is reassuring for all pro-democracy forces across the globe.
While Myanmar’s hybrid democracy was far from perfect, there was absolutely no justification for the junta to overthrow an elected government however flawed. In other parts of the developing world, there have been mixed results where civilian power confronting extra-constitutional players is concerned. Myanmar’s neighbour Thailand saw the military stage a coup in 2014 and though sustained protests have continued in that country as well, Thailand’s powerful generals remain entrenched.
Meanwhile in Egypt, a brief democratic experiment was derailed by the military in 2013, when the Mohamed Morsi-led dispensation was sent packing. While the Muslim Brotherhood-supported government was trying to implement its agenda too hastily, the military had no business overthrowing an elected government. Bangladesh, on the other hand, has been something of a success story, with the civilians managing to maintain their supremacy, despite decades of military rule. However, the Awami League-led dispensation has displayed autocratic tendencies, though these deficiencies must be handled by the political opposition, not extra-constitutional ‘saviours’.
Perhaps one of the reasons that unelected adventurers succeed in thwarting democratic movements is the support they receive from established democracies. The latter will initially censure the coup-makers, but then start dealing with them under the doctrine of necessity. This was witnessed in Egypt, while Pakistan saw similar situations during Zia’s and Musharraf’s military rule. Perhaps Western states can change tack and keep up the pressure on Myanmar’s generals to return to the barracks.
A triumph for democracy in Myanmar will embolden constitutional movements everywhere, while the opposite will send the message to adventurers that they can overthrow elected administrations and get away with it.
A genuine offer?
IT seemed too good to be true. On Sunday, the PTI government extended an unexpected offer to the opposition, saying it was willing to initiate talks with the opposition on the issue of electoral reforms. Minister for Science & Technology Fawad Chaudhry said at a press conference that reforms were pending in a committee of parliament in which the government had proposed holding of polls through electronic machines, right of vote for overseas Pakistanis and the curtailment of powers of the presiding officers. Though casual in its tenor, the offer appeared to be a step forward — until the next day, when the government’s demand that ECP members resign cast doubt on the genuineness of its intentions.
It is true that electoral reforms require urgent attention from all political parties. The Senate elections are a reminder that the present system is struggling to conduct free, fair, transparent and credible elections. This means the fundamentals of running a democracy are under stress. If the country goes into the next round of elections — local bodies and general elections — there is cause for worry that they will generate further controversies and instability. It is therefore critical that electoral reforms are discussed in detail by all political parties and legislated with consensus. If major parties are not on board then the entire exercise could become futile.
This is why it was unfortunate when PTI decided to go it alone on the issue of having Senate elections through an open ballot. However, if there is indeed a serious plan to discuss electoral reforms with the opposition, then it would do well to handle the matter at the appropriate level. A sincere attempt would include approaching the senior parliamentary leadership of the opposition and offering a formal meeting to discuss the agenda for the reforms. Parliament is the appropriate forum and the government should reach out to the opposition in all sincerity.
But the problem is that the government is struggling to overcome its acute partisanship when it comes to a discussion on such critical issues. It is in this respect that the demand of the government that ECP members resign is a highly inappropriate one. It boggles the mind when senior government functionaries are sent out to deliver such irresponsible statements. The chief election commissioner was appointed by Prime Minister Imran Khan himself, and under him the ECP has done well to stand up to pressure from the government. It is ironical that the party which allegedly indulged in severe electoral malpractices in the Daska by-election is now calling for the resignation of those who called out this gross manipulation and rightly ordered a re-poll. The government would do itself a favour if it were to take a holistic view of the situation before rushing to make statements that are difficult to take seriously.
Cricket selection
THE refreshing trend adopted by the national cricket selectors to induct promising youngsters in the Pakistan team since the New Zealand tour debacle last December has yet again been displayed in the choices made for the upcoming tours of South Africa and Zimbabwe recently. A number of newcomers and salient performers in domestic cricket have managed to find a place in the Test as well as the ODI and T20 squads named for the African tour by chief selector Mohammad Wasim. Budding players such as batsmen Saud Shakeel, Danish Aziz, Imran Butt, rookie pacers Arshad Iqbal, Shahnawaz Dahani, Mohammad Wasim Jr, spinners Sajid Khan and Salman Ali Agha all feature in the three squads named for the tour. The move has been widely hailed by experts and fans. However, the shock omission of experienced opener Shan Masood, seasoned pacer Wahab Riaz and all-rounder Imad Wasim has earned the ire of some critics who contend that only a blend of youth and experience can improve chances of doing well overseas. Skipper Babar Azam, who leads in all three formats, and head coach Misbah-ul-Haq have reportedly taken exception to some of the selections, which is a matter of concern. Many times in Pakistan cricket, captains who have not had their way in team selections have refused to take responsibility for defeat. This has led to unpleasant situations.
Having said that, an independent selection committee is quite rare in Pakistan cricket which has repeatedly grappled with favouritism and nepotism at the expense of merit for decades. To be fair to the selectors, even if the team loses a few games on the tour, all they could be accused of is misjudgement, not favouritism. For the home Test and T20 series against South Africa played early this year, the selectors had drafted in more than half a dozen in-form players who clearly were willing to go the extra mile. It is useful to remember that this was the key catalyst in Pakistan’s victories.
