The economy in focus
THE wheels seem to be turning faster and faster at the top amid an accelerating slowdown in the economy.
In two days alone, we have seen a high-level meeting at the prime minister’s residence to take stock of the economic situation, and a rare press conference by the prime minister’s adviser on finance, Hafeez Shaikh, during which the latter attempted to persuade his audience that the economy was on the right track and its deficits were reducing.
Read: Accountability should not affect business: Hafeez
It was also acknowledged that the accountability process could be hurting business confidence and a wish was expressed for NAB to continue its work in a “manner that does not negatively affect the business climate”.
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While this remark and similar statements of late have led some to ask whether the accountability process will continue in its present shape, the government’s pursuit of political rivals accused of corruption has not halted.
The deficits in the economy are undoubtedly shrinking, and Mr Shaikh is right to point out that the size of the imbalances is reducing. He is also right to take a stand on tax collection and the documentation drive that is presently under way.
The actual revenues from the drive will be a while materialising, but a culture of compliance needs to be built, and if the vigorous hunt for non-compliant parties is what it takes to deliver results, then so be it, provided of course that certain lines are not crossed and the authorities do not resort to harassment.
But Mr Shaikh was premature in urging the people to take heart and asserting that the results of the decisions taken under the IMF programme had begun to come in.
For the people, whether the common man or the investor, results do not mean shrinking deficits. What the people are looking for is a check on inflation, improved job and investment opportunities, a tax burden that does not eat into one’s essential spending, and so on. Material improvements in the lives of the public and getting the rusty wheels of the economy to start turning again are the real deliverables of economic policy, and not shrinking deficits and changing ratios.
Mr Shaikh also pulled a small surprise for everyone by suggesting that the National Bank of Pakistan could be transferred into private hands. If so, this could be one of the biggest-ever privatisation deals. The list of heads from where the government is expecting to receive up to Rs1tr in non-tax revenue also threw up a number of caveats. For example, Rs400bn as State Bank profit hinges on the exchange rate remaining stable throughout the fiscal year.
Everybody wants to see the economy improve, but more importantly, everybody wants to feel that improvement in their day-to-day lives.
Ghotki violence
THE vandalism of temples and the destruction of private property, following the registration of a blasphemy case against a Hindu school owner in Ghotki, once again reminds us of the extent to which the social fabric of Pakistani society has been eroded.
Though the Hindu community has been living in Sindh for centuries, violent incidents like these leave them defenceless.
The case against the school owner was registered when a student claimed he heard him making objectionable religious statements; he told his father, who then informed the police.
Earlier in May, violence erupted in Mirpurkhas when a local vet allegedly used paper inscribed with religious texts to wrap medicine. After the incident, a mob vandalised shops and houses, mostly belonging to the local Hindu community.
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Though it can be argued that those whose religious sentiments have been hurt have the right to protest, no one can be absolved of taking the law into their own hands and targeting another community.
It is a sad reality that the land of Sufis is falling prey to violence committed in the name of religion.
The Ghotki police have registered a case against the rioters for damaging places of worship. Let us hope that the cases are pursued to their logical conclusion, even in the case of potential political opposition.
Unfortunately, there have been several incidents that show the blasphemy law’s potential for being misused.
A Christian couple in Kot Radha Kishan (Kasur) were accused of blasphemy in 2014, following which they were beaten and burnt by a mob because they demanded their wages from their employer.
Similarly, in 2013, a dispute among two friends led to the burning of a whole Christian settlement in Gojra (Toba Tek Singh) on blasphemy charges.
Society’s attitude towards the issue is just as big a challenge.
Mashal Khan, a student of the Abdul Wali Khan University in Mardan, was killed even before accusations against him could be pursued according to the law.
Prof Khalid Hameed only needed to be seen as ‘anti-Islam’ for his student to stab him to death.
It is about time the state took religious scholars on board to chalk out a strategy aimed at stopping the rampant misuse of the law — often for settling property, monetary and personal disputes. Meanwhile, it can demonstrate some political grit by penalising those who took the law into their own hands in Ghotki.
‘A’-class accountability?
THERE is an element of both self-righteousness and audacity in the way the government has ignored all advice to proceed cautiously with its accountability drive and not appear to be on a vengeance spree. In fact, at a press conference in Islamabad over the weekend, there was yet more evidence of how the PTI setup may actually be relishing the allegations about targeted accountability. Farogh Naseem, the federal law minister, accompanied by Firdous Ashiq Awan, the prime minister’s special adviser on information, said a new rule would soon bar those involved in mega corruption from claiming ‘A’-class status in prison. The new rule is thought to be a result of the widespread anger in the country against those who are accused of gobbling up the millions that were supposed to be spent on the welfare of the people. However, the proposal that aims to demote certain ‘A’-class prisoners or detainees has clearly not been thought through. Surprisingly — and this has been pointed out by news reports — neither Mr Naseem nor Ms Awan seemed to have considered the fact that jails are a provincial subject. This means that the federal government’s attempt to bring in change by merely amending the National Accountability Ordinance is open to legal challenge.
The announcement, made on the directives of Prime Minister Imran Khan, has been termed ill-timed on many counts. The law minister’s reputation as someone who understood the law is at the moment under a cloud over his controversial remarks about a special constitutional status for Karachi. But the biggest issue, of course, relates to the opposition politicians who are or are likely to be thrown in a prison cell in the near future, given the thrust of the current accountability campaign. The debate about how the process of accountability must appear to be fair and non-discriminatory is futile once it is established that the government’s chosen manner is not rooted simply in over-exuberance. It seems to be deliberate and may remain the preferred course.