Dawn Editorial 18 September 2019

Maryam’s place in PML-N

THE ECP’s decision on what party office Ms Maryam Nawaz can and cannot legally hold could see considerable legal wrangling in the days to come.

Read: ECP dismisses plea to remove Maryam as PML-N vice president

Ruling on a complaint by some PTI politicians, the ECP has confirmed Ms Nawaz can remain vice president of the PML-N, but at the same time has banned her from playing a more active role in the party’s affairs.

The details of the verdict have been reserved but from what emerged in the media immediately after a short ruling was announced on Tuesday, the ECP apparently deems the position of vice president as ceremonial and of no consequence.

Having been convicted by a court of law, Ms Nawaz has been barred from holding any ‘functional’ office in the party. This means that she cannot take charge of the PML-N as its secretary or president or under any other title, even in a temporary ‘acting’ capacity.

As the first responses to the decision came in, it appeared there was still plenty of room for ambiguity and confusion. For instance, what would happen if a supposedly innocuous vice president of a political party were to suddenly wake up and insist on being more useful without undergoing a change of title? Perhaps the detailed judgement will shed some light on this question.

It is a decision where, prima facie, views from both the parties have been accommodated. Yet, it could be a source of discomfort for the ruling party as the decision may appear to go against the spirit of the PTI’s conquest-style politics that it has adopted in its avowed effort to root out corruption.

While, clearly, this ruling would put severe limits on Ms Nawaz should she emerge from the custody of NAB anytime soon, the government is obviously looking for even more ways to rein her in.

The PTI lawmakers behind the original appeal may soon challenge the ECP decision in court — a development that will duly feed the debate about the growing reliance of a certain school of politicians in the country on what some other parties call ‘outside’ support. The argument is that, instead of proving it is better than others on the basis of its performance in government, the PTI as a political party is just too eager to celebrate developments where its rivals are incapacitated because of court actions or other reasons.

Whether or not a convicted person can hold party office is a legal question that any citizen can raise. But the matter is bound to be viewed in a different context if PTI lawmakers show too much enthusiasm in pursuing the case and petitioning the ECP to remove Ms Nawaz from her post in the PML-N. Under more traditional rules, the task of deciding the fate of a convicted and maligned politician is best left to the people’s jury.

Attacks on oilfields

THE attacks on two key Saudi oil facilities on Saturday, claimed by Yemen’s Houthi movement, offer a small preview of just how explosive — figuratively and literally — the situation in the Middle East can become unless there is de-escalation from all sides. The attacks, believed to have been carried out by either drones or missiles, struck the Saudi oil heartland in the country’s east, and stood out due to the devastation they caused, as well as revealed major chinks in the kingdom’s armour where internal security is concerned. Oil prices have spiralled, while an angry war of words has erupted primarily involving the Saudis, the US and Iran. The US says it has intelligence that Iran is involved, but has offered nothing concrete, while the Saudis have called for action without naming their cross-Gulf neighbour. Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif has, meanwhile, termed US accusations “max deceit”.

The Middle East currently resembles a cauldron ready to bubble over, with multiple crises brewing in different parts of the region. And behind most of these confrontations are two geopolitical blocs fighting for influence in the area; one is led by the US and contains the Gulf Arabs, with Saudi Arabia as its most important component, as well as Israel. The other is fronted by Iran and its allied groups in the region, including Hezbollah, the Houthis and militias within Iraq, along with Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria. There is little doubt that the events in eastern Saudi Arabia over the weekend were the latest act in this power play. There can be two ways to proceed from here; the first is the path of confrontation. President Donald Trump, without naming Iran, says his military is “locked and loaded” waiting upon the right signal from the Saudis. Iranian military commanders have responded by saying all US bases in the region are within the range of their missiles. The other path is of de-escalation. For one, the US and Saudi Arabia can take the initiative to end the ruinous war in Yemen, which has killed over 11,000 civilians. This, along with ending the long nightmare of the Yemeni people, can be a key move to ensure regional security, specifically that of Saudi Arabia. Secondly, the US needs to end the economic war it has unleashed against Iran and return to the nuclear deal. The next few days will be critical and indicate which path all parties involved will take.

Private school regulation

A LARGE number of parents across the country must have heaved a sigh of relief after the Supreme Court decided to reset the fees of private schools to what was being charged in January 2017. The 65-page verdict sets many precedents for the operation and regulation of private schools, an issue that has so far been largely ignored by the government. The Supreme Court, in its verdict, reflected public sentiment by declaring private schools to be businesses and subjecting them to regulation. The court also capped the annual increase in fees at 5pc, subject to the approval of the regulatory authorities. Interestingly, private school regulatory authorities have existed in all four provinces for many years, but up until now, they had appeared toothless in the face of large educational corporations. With more than 23m children out of school, the right to free and compulsory education in Pakistan remains a distant dream for many. The public education system, in its present state, only seems to benefit those whose livelihoods are attached to it. After the passage of the 18th Amendment in 2010, it was hoped that decentralisation of education would improve its management and service delivery, but the sector was seen to fall prey to the ‘foreign aid syndrome’. The overall development of schools, teachers and curricula was relinquished for short-term projects that contributed little towards educating the children of the poor.

It was no surprise then that the private education sector grew and came to the rescue of children from lower-middle and middle-class families. It is understandable that the provision of education by private institutions incurs a significant cost, especially in an inflated economy like Pakistan’s. However, when profits earned are drastically higher than the costs — such as an arbitrary increase of up to more than 30pc in a single academic year — it is no less than blatant exploitation. The Supreme Court, through its verdict, has outlined the parameters of preventing this exploitation and put the onus of regulation back on the government’s shoulders.