Economy plans?
THE caretaker government of Prime Minister Anwaarul Haq Kakar has set some very ambitious economic targets for itself. For example, it wants to raise the tax-to-GDP ratio from below 9pc to 13pc, and boost exports from $28bn to $80bn. In the next few days, we may hear about more such plans. These do not sound like the plans of a caretaker dispensation with the limited mandate of helping the ECP hold fair polls in a safe environment. With fears being expressed about potential poll delays beyond the mandatory period because of planned delimitations, it is only natural that many suspect the interim set-up is here to stay indefinitely. Mr Kakar’s maiden address to his cabinet has deepened the confusion about the administration’s shelf life. “We are here for an allocated time and don’t have a perpetual mandate,” he said, adding in the same breath, “so that utmost duty — maybe it is for a month, two, three or whatever the allocated time is — we will demonstrate not through our words but through our actions.”
It should not be surprising then if his ministers are setting big targets for themselves that are difficult to achieve even in years let alone a few months. That said, it is encouraging to see the PM promising to fulfil the international commitments made by previous governments, and ensure financial discipline during the interim period. Two recent developments — market-determined adjustment of the exchange rate and increase in fuel prices to meet IMF goals — indicate that the caretakers may keep their word and not allow the new loan programme to derail. Indeed, the tax and export targets of the government are crucial for the country to achieve in the shortest possible time. But the interim set-up would do itself and the people a favour by at least attempting to refrain from crossing the limits set by the Constitution and not using the economy as a ploy to prolong its tenure.
Published in Dawn, August 21st, 2023
Saudi-Iran bonhomie
FROM regularly exchanging invective and clashing over geopolitical points of contention, the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran has warmed remarkably within the span of a few months. The newfound bonhomie was on display during Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian’s recent visit to the kingdom. Tehran’s top diplomat exchanged notes with his Saudi counterpart, and later met Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the actual power behind the Saudi throne. The Iranian FM described his interaction as “productive” while Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal Bin Farhan hoped to deepen the relationship “based on our Islamic brotherhood”. The meeting between Mr Amir-Abdollahian and the prince was particularly cordial. Only a few months ago, such exchanges would have been unthinkable, as both sides accused the other of destabilising the region. However, thanks to a landmark diplomatic initiative piloted by China — and quietly supported by Iraq and Oman — Riyadh and Tehran are now building positive ties based on mutual respect and regional integration.
As it has been stated before in these columns, Saudi-Iranian rapprochement will have a calming effect across the Muslim world, especially where sectarian tensions have been high, such as in Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain and Pakistan. Moreover, the brutal war in Yemen, where both sides support opposing parties, can also be wound down; already levels of violence have come down since the Saudis and Iranians started talking. Both capitals should work to resolve territorial issues in the region through local mechanisms. For example, Iran has a long-running spat over a few Gulf islands with the UAE, and is also embroiled in a dispute with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait over a gas field in the same region. These differences need to be resolved amicably to help strengthen the peace process. Riyadh has extended an invitation to the Iranian president to visit the kingdom; such a trip by Ebrahim Raisi would further strengthen ties. While it is true that over four decades of mutual hostility will not disappear overnight, things appear to be moving in the right direction. But both sides need to be wary of spoilers, as the US will not be pleased that the Saudis are negotiating independently with their arch-foe, while Israel, which has invested much in the so-called Abraham Accords to win over the Arabs, may resort to its expertise in sabotage to sink the fledgling peace process.
Published in Dawn, August 21st, 2023
Inner demons
THE recent mob rampage targeting Christians in Faisalabad’s Jaranwala area should serve as a critical opportunity for the nation to look inwards, honestly diagnose the disease, and remove the cancer of extremism from society.
This is not the first incident where raw religious passions have been exploited by vested interests, and unless there is a thorough reckoning, it won’t be the last.
Far too many Muslims and people of other faiths have faced the wrath of the mob in Pakistan based on spurious allegations of blasphemy. Many have not lived to tell the tale, while numerous incidents have been traced to personal vendettas or schemes to grab property.
Illiterate and mentally challenged individuals have been accused of writing or forwarding blasphemous text, while unfounded rumours of disrespect to religion have been enough to spark bloody riots.
Yet the advance of religious fanaticism is not limited to Pakistan. Next door in India, the shock troops of Hindutva have also unleashed violence against Muslims and other minorities.
The Babri Masjid’s destruction was a bellwether event; from that grim turning point to the present, Hindutva has morphed from a fringe movement to the official narrative in the Sangh Parivar’s India.
Muslims have been lynched on suspicions of transporting or keeping beef, their houses have been bulldozed by bigoted state agencies, while dubious citizenship laws have questioned those whose roots as ‘bona fide’ Indians are well established.
Christians, too, have not been spared by the Sangh, as the current communal disturbances in Manipur illustrate, where nearly 200 have been killed, and hundreds of churches reportedly torched. Clearly, zealots on both sides of the border share the same DNA where terrorising minorities is concerned.
It appears that this particular variant of religious extremism is a South Asian peculiarity. While discrimination against minorities does occur in other Muslim states, Pakistan is in a league of its own.
One does not often hear of public lynchings and frenzied mobs rampaging to avenge alleged blasphemy in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Egypt, etc — countries that are no less Muslim than Pakistan.
This may be because in these countries the state does not allow vigilante groups or self-professed guardians of faith to rile up crowds and let them loose on hapless victims.
In Pakistan, things are different. For decades, the state encouraged and later tolerated religious fanatics, while poverty and low literacy levels have left ordinary folk susceptible to the emotional messaging of such malign actors.
There may still be time for course correction. This can be done first by the state acknowledging the presence of the contagion of extremism and then by punishing those who have indulged in religious violence and who ideologically support such violence. Longer-term goals can focus on deradicalisation as envisaged under NAP and similar initiatives.
Published in Dawn, August 21st, 2023