Zoo zealotry
IN a bizarre twist of faith and fur, the Indian right-wing Hindu nationalist group, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, has petitioned a Kolkata court over, of all things, the names of two lions residing in a West Bengal zoo. The pair in question, a lion named Akbar and a lioness named Sita, have unwittingly become the protagonists in a tale that could only be concocted in present-day India. The VHP’s contention: the pairing of lions with these names is “irrational”, “illogical”, and “tantamount to blasphemy”. And while their request to respect their deities’ names is perfectly reasonable, the justification that was given by a VHP leader is absurd: “Sita cannot stay with the Mughal emperor Akbar.” This isn’t the first time such silliness has reared its head. Take, for instance, the multiple times pigeons have been ‘arrested’ and probed after flying over from Pakistan or China into India, accused of espionage. Most recently, a ‘spy’ pigeon, said to be from China, was detained for eight months while, presumably, investigators combed through its feathers in search of something incriminating.
The pattern is unmistakable: a penchant for seeing slights where none exist, and a readiness to leap into the fray, legal briefs at the ready, over perceived insults to religion or threats to national security. While it is easy to dismiss the VHP’s legal battle as another quixotic quest for religious purity, it is emblematic of a broader struggle over identity, history, and the very soul of India. It brings to mind a 1977 Bollywood film, called Amar Akbar Anthony, about three brothers separated in childhood and raised in different faiths. Amar grew up a Hindu; Akbar, a Muslim; and Anthony, a Christian. They united as adults, and their adventures together were a powerful allegory in Indian pluralism. It is likely that if that film were to be made today, a right-wing group would challenge it in court. And that is a tragedy for modern India.
Published in Dawn, February 21st, 2024
Fitch’s concern
AS political parties scramble to form a potentially weak coalition at the centre, the uncertainty unleashed by the inconclusive outcome of the Feb 8 polls is giving Pakistan’s creditors and investors the jitters.
This nervousness stems from widespread doubts over the incoming government’s ability to quickly negotiate a new and larger bailout with the IMF to succeed the ongoing interim package ending soon, and adhere to tougher policy commitments under it.
This is in spite of a strong political consensus within the country on the need for yet another IMF programme and wide structural reforms considered critical for Pakistan’s longer-term economic trajectory. The deal is also crucial for Pakistan to secure financing flows from other multilateral, bilateral and commercial creditors.
These concerns were recently voiced by Moody’s in its post-poll comments on Pakistan’s macroeconomic vulnerabilities. Now Fitch Ratings has expressed its disquiet over the volatile political conditions obtaining in the country in the absence of a clear public mandate: “Finalising a new IMF deal is likely to be challenging.”
Pointing to the election outcome, it warns that “near-term political uncertainty may complicate the country’s efforts to secure a financing agreement with the IMF to succeed the Stand-by Arrangement”.
Fitch assumes that the new government will engage with the IMF relatively quickly and overcome any resistance to the new loan goals by vested interests, given the worrying nature of the economic challenges and the limited options, yet it fears that continued political volatility could prolong any discussions with the IMF and hamper the implementation of reforms. “Risks to political stability are likely to remain high. Public discontent could rise further…,” it cautions.
That creditors and investors are worried about political uncertainty and possible delays in concluding a new IMF deal is not without reason. Our politicians are known for changing their stated position on crucial economic and other policy matters when in the opposition.
Even past governments have pulled out of financial deals, when faced with political backlash. However, politicking over a new deal and the reforms mandated by it is no longer an option for Pakistan.
As underscored by Fitch, extended negotiation or failure to secure a commitment would increase external liquidity stress and raise the possibility of default. If that happens the blame would rest with those who scuppered the deal.
Published in Dawn, February 21st, 2024
Silencing the public
THE stench of desperation hangs heavy over Islamabad. The powerful have had a lot of trouble lately keeping the public under their thumb. Short of ideas, they have decided to block Pakistan’s access to X (formerly Twitter), one of the most popular digital mediums for self-expression.
The authorities are seemingly so afraid of the public setting the narrative agenda that they have decided to simply pull the plug. Such repressive actions are a shame in this day and age: millions of opinion-makers and citizens around the world converge virtually each day on the platform to exchange important news and views — why can Pakistanis not be among them?
There has been no word from the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority or the IT ministry, which would previously issue at least a mealy-mouthed explanation when denying the citizenry access to mainstream internet services. Even they have not figured out how to justify what is being done.
One marvels at the hypocrisy of some of our caretaker ministers, who have ostensibly been using VPN services to continue posting on X even as their own people are being denied the same privilege.
The IT minister’s behaviour, in particular, is galling: during this latest blockage, he has celebrated the ‘take-off’ of Pakistan’s IT industry and achieving 13 items on his agenda, while also announcing two new schemes for the industry — all while not saying a word about why Pakistani users suddenly cannot access one of the world’s most popular social mediums.
It seems he is more interested in self-promotion while the state is busy broadcasting its abject disregard for the digital economy. He should be asked: why would any entrepreneur bother investing in Pakistan, especially when the country’s internet access and telecom policies always seem subject to change without notice?
As for the PTA, the less said the better. In suspending mobile phone services without any prior warning throughout election day and well after, it had already wreaked immeasurable damage on Pakistan this month.
Many citizens were left unable to exercise their constitutional rights due to the communications blackout, which also contributed towards worsening the political instability by providing a convenient cover for the alleged irregularities that occurred later that night. And yet, the authority refuses to learn. Acting as if it is unaccountable, it is now curtailing citizens’ digital rights without even bothering to come up with a justification.
It seems that the PTA has quietly become just another tool in the hands of our habitually oppressive state, to be used against the people of Pakistan whenever they start inconveniencing the powers that be. It is important that it be checked immediately. With precedents available thanks to prior court rulings on internet bans, it should be sued for its actions.
Published in Dawn, February 21st, 2024