THE PDM is in trouble. If the dispute over resignations symbolised the first crack within the opposition alliance, the disagreement over which party has claim on the office of the leader of the opposition in the Senate poses a graver threat to the unity of the alliance. After the defeat of PDM candidates in the election for chairman and deputy chairman of the Senate, it was expected that the scheduled long march would get a booster shot. Instead, the opposite happened.
The ultimate threat of the PDM — hurled over and over again in the last six months — deflated like a punctured balloon. The PPP made it as clear as possible that it was not interested in resigning from the assemblies, saying that was the action of last resort and the time was not opportune for it. With the much-touted long march postponed, and the decision very conveniently outsourced to the PPP’s central executive committee, the PDM as an alliance stood on shaky ground. This before the next, and fairly unexpected, blow sent it reeling to the ropes.
The open and very public spat between the PPP and PML-N over who gets the post of leader of the opposition threatens to undo much of the goodwill generated by the opposition parties since the formation of the alliance six months ago.
When PPP and JUI-F candidates were selected for the top two posts of the Senate, the PML-N was openly saying that their getting the slot of the leader of the opposition was a done deal. It therefore comes as a surprise that the new cleavage has manifested itself on this issue. However, it is clear that the PPP is not interested in being diplomatic with the PDM on what the party considers its core interests. It may have subsumed its partisan agenda within the folds of the grand PDM ambitions a few months ago, but the party leadership appears to have sensed that those ambitions are unlikely to come to fruition. It is therefore in the fitness of things, its leaders argue, that the PPP protect its power base in Sindh while maximising its political muscle within parliament in order to compensate for its weakness in the most strategically important arena: Punjab.
This does not leave the PDM in a comfortable position. The alliance may carry on in name, and may coordinate in parliament to make life difficult for the government, but for that to happen, the alliance has to overcome this open spat. If it is unable to do so, and if neither the PML-N nor PPP back down, it would be a huge challenge to keep the alliance together in any operationally meaningful way. The war of words raging between the two parties has ominous overtones for what lies ahead for PDM.
Vaccine on holiday?
AS the third Covid-19 wave rages in the country, the management of the vaccination programme leaves a lot to be desired. With infection rates rising, school closures and new restrictions, the authorities must put all their resources into making the vaccine roll-out successful. Unfortunately, at present, certain decisions regarding the inoculation drive betray a non-serious approach. For example, the decision to keep vaccination centres closed on Sundays and public holidays is absurd. The reason being given is that those involved in the vaccination process need a break. Without doubt, no individual should work without a break, but that is a poor excuse for interrupting the vaccine roll-out. By this logic, should hospitals also close on public holidays and weekends? The answer is no, because addressing a health crisis cannot be put on hold. Covid-19 will not stop spreading, and is, in fact, being transmitted at an alarming rate, so the approach of the authorities must reflect the urgency of the situation. In the UK, where the vaccine roll-out has been successful, the authorities have called on volunteers to be part of the immunisation programme. The idea is that the target of vaccinating the country’s entire adult population is an imperative, even if gargantuan, task, and requires a mammoth effort. The authorities in Pakistan too must gear up to vaccinate people seven days a week, up to 18 hours a day. With the government’s target vaccine population of 70m, the task of administering two jabs per person is a challenge that can only be met if the programme is executed with a sense of urgency.
So far, only 500,000 people have been vaccinated — a figure that paints a sorry picture. The vaccines that are available for free at vaccination centres have been donated by China. Another donation is pledged by Covax, but is yet to arrive. Separately, private companies have been allowed to import vaccines and sell them at a set price. In December last year, it was reported that the government had put aside $100m to procure the Covid-19 vaccine, but it is not clear whether these funds are being used effectively. Vaccines have been procured by the government, but they have yet to arrive. The vaccine programme warrants a proactive approach, or Pakistan will be among those countries where the spectre of Covid-19 peaks rears its head on a regular basis, spelling doom for the well-being of citizens as well as education and the economy.
Wheat support price
THE federal decision to raise the minimum wheat support price for the upcoming harvest to Rs1,800 per 40kg — above the commodity’s international rate — seems to have been motivated by anxiety over missing procurement targets owing to competition from the private sector. At the previously fixed price of Rs1,650, there were strong chances that the private sector would outdo the government in the market to profit from the differential in international and domestic prices. In the existing wheat market, it’s crucial for the government to refill its large wheat stocks every year to stabilise retail flour prices for urban consumers. The new price is 28.6pc higher than last year’s Rs1,400, and factors in the impact of the recent spike in world commodity markets and currency depreciation. Though the government expects a better harvest compared to last year, it has decided to import 3m tonnes of wheat to keep the pressure off domestic flour prices, which will largely be determined by the actual domestic output and the size of official stocks. The government has further pledged to keep flour prices at the present level of Rs860 per 20kg, which would require a subsidy of tens of billions of rupees. Where will this money come from? Will the IMF allow it? The government is yet to share its game plan.
The Sindh government’s decision to unilaterally raise the support price by almost 43pc to Rs2,000, ostensibly to achieve its own purchase target and please farmers in the province, has added another dimension to price uncertainty. This means Punjab’s mills won’t be able to purchase wheat from Sindh to meet the province’s flour needs in the latter part of this month and the first two to three weeks of April. Market volatility in the last two years demands gradual liberalisation of the wheat market, with the government keeping interference to a minimum. This will help address market distortions, encourage efficient agricultural practices for better per-acre yield and stabilise prices on a sustained basis, benefiting both farmers and consumers.
