Dawn Editorial 25 May 2021

Chaudhry Nisar’s return

ESTRANGED PML-N leader and former interior minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan appeared in the Punjab Assembly after nearly three years on Monday to take oath for the seat he had won in the 2018 elections. He was unable to do so because the speaker and deputy speaker were not available and the assembly staff said they could not carry on with the oath at the moment.
In his brief talk with the media, the politician said this was no justification for not letting him take oath because any member chairing the session had the speaker’s powers. However, he remained guarded in his comments and said he would return to the assembly after a few days to take oath.
Ever since news broke that Chaudhry Nisar was emerging from his political hibernation, there had been feverish speculation about his move. Given the unstable situation of the PTI government in Punjab and constant murmurs of a change at the top, his appearance on the scene was seen by many as part of a larger move in the province. However, it remains unclear what role he could play at this moment and he said so himself that he was not part of any larger game.
What makes his timing significant is the heightened political activity by PML-N president Shehbaz Sharif, which is aimed at lowering the political temperature of his party’s politics and creating more space for fresh initiatives. Both Chaudhry Nisar and Mr Sharif have traditionally acted as the bridge between the PML-N and the establishment and therefore the former’s re-emergence will obviously be seen in this overall framework. For someone who has been a major political player in the country for more than three decades, Chaudhry Nisar is not likely to have taken the decision to return to active politics without a clear plan. The next few weeks leading up to the budget may reveal the contours of this plan and the role that Chaudhry Nisar sees for himself.

 

 

Expanding cities

PAKISTAN ranks among the world’s most rapidly urbanising countries. Final census figures show that just under 76m people — or 36.44pc of the populace — lived in cities in 2017 compared to 43m who lived in urban areas back in 1998. However, according to various studies, urbanisation data in Pakistan may not be entirely reliable. This is because the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics’ definition of ‘urban’ tends to be based on cities’ administrative limits, which leaves out ‘urbanising’ or ‘peri-urban’ areas that extend beyond the demarcated boundaries. Thus peri-urban areas may exhibit urban characteristics but are considered rural for the purposes of census data collection. This underrepresents the urbanised areas, leading many researchers to argue that nearly half the population could be classified as urban if the PBS definition of a city or urban area were to be interpreted more liberally.
While rapid urbanisation — driven mainly by a high birth rate and the migration of farm labour in search of better jobs and facilities — provides immense opportunities for boosting economic growth, poor urban planning and management is posing serious challenges. A few years ago, a World Bank study described Pakistan’s urbanisation as messy and hidden, which is preventing the full tapping of potential and contribution to economic development. It is messy because it is inflating major cities at such a breakneck speed that the government is unable to deliver public services or create jobs. Although the breakdown of city infrastructure is more pronounced in Karachi than anywhere else in the country, other ‘better-managed’ cities in Punjab, including Lahore, are also feeling the strain of the enormous pressure on their limited public services brought on by rapid population growth. Thus it is not surprising to see a dramatic growth in urban slums, the separation of residential areas on the basis of socioeconomic status, increase in poverty levels, ugly housing sprawls, deteriorating air quality, rising mobility problems for those — particularly women — who cannot afford their own transport, etc. More importantly, the city sprawls — or horizontal expansion of the urban areas — for the wealthy are eating into fertile agricultural land. The gap in the services available to residents of the poorer, disorganised neighbourhoods and affluent urban communities has not only increased, it has also exacerbated crime and other social issues.
The lack of sufficient public investment, the bulk of which is spent by governments to develop infrastructure and facilitate the mobility of car owners, is but one reason for our collapsing cities. Major factors pulling our cities apart are the absence of strong local governments, paraphernalia for effective urban management and planning, and public participation in the policymaking process, as well as the fragmentation of public services and responsibilities that hampers the execution of plans. Unless Pakistan’s cities are reshaped to become a source of economic opportunity and democratisation, they will spawn greater social discontent and crime.

 

 

Rebuilding Gaza

AS some semblance of normality returns to Gaza following a ceasefire that ended 11 days of savage Israeli bombardment, efforts of the global community must focus on rebuilding the devastated region. However, while helping Gaza’s people rebuild their shattered lives is essential, the international community must also hold the Israeli state to account for its crimes, specifically the indiscriminate targeting of children in Palestine. Some 250 people were killed by Israeli bombs in Gaza, including over 60 children. As of now 800,000 people in Gaza don’t have access to clean drinking water while the UN’s humanitarian affairs agency OCHA says 6,000 people have been left homeless by the bombardment. The international community must ensure that the people of Gaza are kept safe from disease and hunger, as the coastal strip’s infrastructure has been pulverised by Israel. Moreover, adequate psychiatric and trauma care is needed, specifically for children; the international NGO Save the Children says Gaza’s youngsters will live with the scars of war “for years to come”. Reports emerging from the territory paint a bleak picture of children constantly terrified, in fear of when the next bombs will drop on them. While most members of the Arab League and OIC were conspicuous by their silence or made lame calls for ending the ‘violence’, the least they can do now is dig into their deep pockets and generously provide help for the Palestinian people.
This is the fourth time Israel has unleashed its brutish, deadly might on the hapless people of Gaza since 2008. It is a sad reality that the world community — specifically the high and mighty of the world order, who go out of their way to shield Israel from censure — sits back and watches the slaughter of Palestinians every few years, and then steps in to ‘rebuild’. While the targeting of civilians anywhere is unacceptable, including by Hamas, Israel’s response is by no means proportionate, and in many instances very much fits the definition of war crimes. The US keeps upholding Tel Aviv’s right to self-defence in the face of Hamas’s rocket fire. But does the mass murder of civilians — children, the sick, those with special needs — come under the doctrine of self-defence? The self-declared champions of human rights must answer this question. Bringing Palestinians aid is important, but more important is preventing their mass killing in the first place. Israel must be held accountable for its murderous forays by the international community.

 

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