Hate in Modi’s India
AFTER a decade of BJP rule, communal forces in India are in the ascendant, making life for the country’s minorities, particularly its Muslims, very difficult. According to a recently released report by India Hate Lab, a US-based research outfit, anti-Muslim hate speech has become commonplace in India. As per its data, 668 hate speech incidents were logged in the country last year. Not surprisingly, the advocacy group notes, 75pc of these incidents were reported from BJP-ruled states, while the incidents peaked during campaigning for state elections. This should send alarm bells ringing where the safety of India’s minorities is concerned, as general elections in that country are due in April-May, and extremists are likely to light more communal fires to grab votes.
Sadly, this trend of anti-Muslim violence is likely to continue as the Sangh Parivar unleashes its shock troops to ensure another electoral victory for the BJP, its political wing. Moreover, if the BJP manages to form the next government, will it continue the politics of polarisation and hatred, painting Indian Muslims as the eternal ‘other’, to either be converted to Hinduism or live as second-class citizens in the rashtra? The evidence, unfortunately, supports this likelihood. Meanwhile, India’s avowedly secular parties have not done enough to condemn anti-Muslim hate. Brick by brick, the Sangh is seeking to destroy the edifice of Muslim civilisation in India that goes back a millennium. Of course, this civilisational project will not be possible without erasing all signs of Muslim culture from India’s milieu. Though this is a tall ask, the Sangh’s troops are committed to the cause. Vilifying Indian Muslims is just one chilling part of this grand crusade. This devious scheme also envisages the destruction of mosques and their replacement with temples, while the Sangh endorses violence against Indian Muslims, in an apparent move to ‘punish’ them for the sins — real or perceived — of mediaeval Muslim rulers.
Published in Dawn, March 5th, 2024
Climate realities
IN an uncharacteristic twist for March — which typically heralds the warmth of spring — several parts of Pakistan are grappling with extreme cold and incessant rains. From the waterlogged streets of Gwadar in Balochistan, through Quetta’s icy roads, to the snow-blocked routes of Gilgit-Baltistan, and onto the flood-hit areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa where the toll has risen to at least 35 lives lost, Pakistan is confronting the severe consequences of climate change. The disaster management authorities in the three regions are stretched thin responding to the challenges posed by these adverse weather conditions. In Karachi, a city accustomed to mild winters, residents find themselves compelled to unpack winter wear they thought they had stowed away for the year. Such surprises sprung by nature necessitate a shift in our national approach. Historical data can no longer be relied upon; we must bring climate adaptation to the forefront of our priorities.
To that end, the newly formed government must develop and implement a comprehensive climate adaptation policy. This policy should outline clear mechanisms for providing financial and technical support to the most vulnerable regions, ensuring an inclusive and equitable response to climate challenges. It is imperative that we invest in cutting-edge meteorological forecasting and early warning systems, especially for timely evacuations in disaster-struck areas. In addition, infrastructure resilience is of paramount importance, as evidenced by the large-scale destruction of homes in KP. Our physical structures must be designed or retrofitted to withstand extreme weather. In tandem, we must build robust communication networks that remain operational during crises, ensuring that affected communities can receive aid and information when most needed. Moreover, community involvement is essential. Local communities equipped with the knowledge and resources to face weather-related emergencies can dramatically lower the risks associated with such events. Also, a relentless push towards climate-mitigation efforts is required. Initiatives such as afforestation and reforestation, wetland restoration, and sustainable land management not only reduce vulnerability to natural disasters but also contribute to the global fight against climate change. The past week has clearly demonstrated our vulnerability to climate change. It is imperative that we adopt a proactive stance to adapt to these new climatic realities. We can no longer turn away from the gauntlet of climate change; we are now walking through it.
Published in Dawn, March 5th, 2024
Reserved seats
THE ECP’s decision to deny the Sunni Ittehad Council — the new home of PTI-affiliated lawmakers who won the Feb 8 polls as independent candidates — a share of the special seats reserved for women and minorities has come as a disappointment to those who believed in the fairness of the electoral process.
Even though the much-delayed ECP decision, the latest in a series of moves ostensibly aimed at keeping the PTI out of elections and parliament, was not unexpected, many had hoped that the spirit of democracy would prevail over the technicalities cited by the ECP to justify its action.
According to the ECP, the SIC could not stake a claim to a share in the reserved seats “due to having non-curable legal defects and violation of a mandatory provision of submission of party list for reserved seats which is the requirement of law”. It defended its decision by pointing out that the SIC had not contested the elections for any seat in the national or provincial assemblies.
That is not all. The ECP generated more debate by allocating what many see as the SIC’s share of reserved seats to other political parties. By saying that “the seats in the National Assembly shall not remain vacant”, it has indirectly accepted the argument that the Lower House as well as three provincial assemblies, barring Balochistan, were incomplete when they elected the Speaker, deputy Speaker, the prime minister and the chief ministers.
According to media reports, the SIC’s combined loss amounts to 77 seats in the national and provincial assemblies.
The ECP might have its own logic but its order does ignore past precedent. For instance, the Balochistan Awami Party, which did not contest the first post-merger polls in former Fata, was allowed a reserved women’s seat after independents joined the party. Meanwhile, a 2018 Lahore High Court judgement held that a political party’s share of reserved seats was non-transferable. The ruling had come after a Returning Officer did not accept PTI nominees for reserved seats due to a slight delay in the submission of names.
In short, the ECP has exacerbated the crisis it triggered when it denied the PTI its election symbol, again on technical grounds — a decision controversially upheld by the apex court. Like the party symbol issue, the legality of the latest ECP determination will also be decided by the superior judiciary.
Unless addressed, such debatable actions will continue to impede the growth of democracy in the country. Today, these decisions are affecting the PTI; tomorrow other parties, which, for the moment, can enjoy their share of reserved seats and see their numerical strength enhanced in the assemblies, might find themselves at the receiving end when they fall out with the powers that be.
Published in Dawn, March 5th, 2024